Myanmar Coup – a turning point for the Rohingya people

The coup d’état in Myanmar earlier this year, may have dismantled the fragile foundations of the country’s democratic government, but the ensuing rise of a fervent pro-democracy civilian movement within the country could be a turning point for the Rohingya population.

Myanmar was thrown into disarray on 1 February when the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military junta, ousted the democratically elected president Aung San Suu Kyi and her government, the National League for Democracy (NLD). They purported that the party’s landslide electoral victory mere months earlier had been marred by widespread voter fraud.

The claims have enabled the junta to take back control and plunge the country once again under military rule.  Their leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has since 1 August declared himself Prime Minister of a newly formed caretaker government in an attempt to legitimise the military’s administration. His declaration of multi-party general elections in 2023 forces Myanmar under two and a half years of military rule instead of the initial one year timeline.

While it’s a crushing blow to Myanmar, the reality is that Suu Kyi’s democracy was already fractured. Despite the country’s progressive transition towards democracy in the last decade, the military junta retained a firm foothold on power and Myanmar’s defective constitution preserved the junta’s control.

For example, twenty-five percent of seats in parliament are reserved for the military which has meant efforts towards constitutional reform and real change are often vetoed. The constitution also grants the junta the rights to control the mining, oil and gas industry and allows the Tatmadaw to enjoy a level of financial independence.

Myanmar’s democracy was further weakened by the violent repression of Rohingya Muslims, an ethnic minority who reside in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. For decades the Rohingya people were persecuted: they were denied citizenship rights, access to essential services and faced blatant discrimination and repression.

However, during Suu Kyi’s term in government, the military launched an ethnic cleansing campaign against the Rohingya population. They were brutalised and slaughtered. Their villages were razed to the ground, and many were forced to flee to neighbouring Bangladesh to seek refuge.

Such atrocities attracted international opprobrium. Suu Kyi’s statute as an icon for democracy and a Nobel Peace Prize Winner was irrevocably tarnished. Her failure to defend the indefensible was evident in excusing the genocidal actions of the military and refusing to condemn the jailing of journalists exposing the military’s actions.

The fractures in Myanmar’s democracy were exacerbated with the indifference and uncomfortable silence from Myanmar locals. It starkly contrasts the fervour of pro-democracy protests amassing in opposition to the coup today. It could reflect that the people of Myanmar are now grasping the Rohingya’s own struggles for democratic freedoms.

The fierce opposition to the military coup suggests that there may be glimmers of hope for the Rohingya people to regain democratic rights. The coup has united both the Rohingya, warring ethnic groups and the people of Myanmar against a common enemy, the military junta. The groundswell of support for a return to democracy suggests a greater realisation by civilians that their pro-democracy movement is only as strong as their weakest link. If they hope for a better democracy, equal rights should be granted to all and not some.

The solidarity between disparate groups may be in part due to a generational shift with a younger demographic taking charge of the pro-democracy movement. Many student unions and young activists have conveyed regret at their silence and inaction over the junta’s genocidal rampage of Rohingya people.

Pro-democracy activists have taken to social media to canvass their solidarity for the Free Rohingya Coalition which has tirelessly campaigned against the military dictatorship. The fading away of prejudices which has divided the country offers hope that the people of Myanmar are embracing diversity and peace.

Second was the release of a new, hopeful policy statement by the NUG on 3 June which covered the treatment of the Rohingya people. The statement was drafted in the absence of Suu Kyi, who is under house arrest. It includes the promise that if the National Unity Government of Myanmar (NUG) – the government in exile – returns to power, it will discard the 1982 citizenship law and grant Rohingya people full citizenship rights, as well as end human rights abuses, discrimination and allow the full enjoyment of individual rights. The promise was also made to repatriate Rohingya civilians who had fled to Bangladesh following the horrific military assault against the Rohingya. It also pledges to permit the International Criminal Court to have jurisdiction over crimes committed within Myanmar in relation to the atrocities against the Rohingya. The NUG have long been under international pressure over their treatment of the Rohingya minority which may have contributed to this granting of jurisdiction.

While the statement could only be implemented if the NUG were to be returned to government, it is a significant shift in the attitudes and perspectives of how a newly governed democracy within Myanmar could look.

The statement now plays a crucial role in justifying the legitimacy and relevance of the NUG to the United Nations. Given the military ruler’s declaration of prime ministership earlier this month, the NUG will have a tougher time fighting for diplomatic recognition. The statement may serve as a cogent force in this battle.

The changes mean the Rohingya would be citizens rather than stateless, they would enjoy the same rights to vote, freedom of movement, access to services, the capacity to participate to their society and the recognition of themselves as ‘Rohingya’ instead of ‘Muslims of Rakhine’ which is another significant inroad towards their recognition. The commitment to justice and reparation and elimination of all forms of discrimination are key steps towards casting aside the illiberal elements that splintered Myanmar’s democracy.